English

Jamaat’s welfare programs impress Saudi delegation

By ARAB NEWS

Published: Feb 5, 2011 23:02 Updated: Feb 5, 2011 23:02

NEW DELHI: A Saudi delegation headed by Sheikh Saleh Hassan Aalaid, general secretary of the Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs, visited Indian Jamaat-e-Islami’s headquarters here recently and commended the organization’s activities to spread the message of Islam and uplift Indian Muslims.

“I am very happy to see the tremendous efforts of Jamaat-e-Islami in this part of the world in order to disseminate the message of Islam through various activities including publication of books and organizing seminars and conferences,” Sheikh Aalaid was quoted as saying during a meeting with Jamaat officials.

Sheikh Aalaid and his accompanying delegation also visited the office of Vision 2016 project where Professor K. A. Siddique Hassan, vice president of Jamaat-e-Islami and secretary-general of Vision 2016, briefed the delegates on the project that aims at implementing a number of educational and health projects in various parts of India.

Hassan explained the project’s achievements and the number of its beneficiaries. Senior Jamaat officials such as Mohammed Jafar, Mohammed Gulam Akbar, Abdul Basit Anwar, Mohammed Rafique Qasmi attended the meeting.

The Saudi delegation, which included Salim Alsahli, Fahad Alutaibi and Abdul Aziz Saleh, also visited Alshifa Hospital and Research Center, which is under construction in Dawat Nagar, Abul Fazal Encalve in New Delhi. They also visited Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind, Markazi Jamiat Ahle Hadith and Institute of Objective Studies.

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اسلام صرف عبادت کا نام نہیں ،بلکہ وہ تمام مذہبی ،تمدنی،اخلاقی اور سیاسی ضرورتوں کے متعلق ایک کامل اور مکمل نظام رکھتا ہے.... جو لوگ موجودہ زمانے کی کشمکش میں حصہ لینے سے کنارہ کشی کرتے ہیں اور صرف حجروں میں بیٹھے رہنے کو اسلامی فرائض کی ادائیگی کے لئے کافی سمجھتے ہیں،وہ اسلام کے پاک و صاف دامن پر ایک بدنماداغ لگاتے ہیں.

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شیخ الہند مولانا محمود الحسن

اسلام صرف عبادت کا نام نہیں ،بلکہ وہ تمام مذہبی ،تمدنی،اخلاقی اور سیاسی ضرورتوں کے متعلق ایک کامل اور مکمل نظام رکھتا ہے.... جو لوگ موجودہ زمانے کی کشمکش میں حصہ لینے سے کنارہ کشی کرتے ہیں اور صرف حجروں میں بیٹھے رہنے کو اسلامی فرائض کی ادائیگی کے لئے کافی سمجھتے ہیں،وہ اسلام کے پاک و صاف دامن پر ایک بدنماداغ لگاتے ہیں.

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English

Egypt protesters mass for demonstrations, vow to drive Mubarak out

The standoff posed a major test for the military as protesters stepped up calls for the army to intervene against Mubarak, a former air force commander and one of its own. The military's Supreme Council held an ``important'' meeting Friday morning, which was chaired by Defense Minister Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, the state news agency reported.

``The council will issue important statement to the people after the meeting,'' MENA said.

Mubarak gave most of his powers to his vice president but refused to resign or leave the country late Thursday, hours after the military made moves that had all the markings of a coup.

``We are waiting for a strong reaction from the army to Mubarak's speech,'' said Mohammed Mustapha, a protest spokesman. He said ``huge numbers'' of protesters were expected Friday.

Organizers said protesters were already camped outside the presidential palace and buildings housing the Cabinet, parliament and state TV. They planned rallies at six separate protest locations, in addition to Tahrir Square, the center of the mass rallies that began on Jan. 25.

``We are going to camp everywhere to put more pressure on the regime,'' said Abdel-Rahman Samir, an organizer.

Several hundred thousand people had packed into Tahrir Square on Thursday, ecstatic with expectation that Mubarak would announce his resignation. Instead, they watched in shocked silence as he spoke, holding their foreheads in anger and disbelief. Some broke into tears. Others waved their shoes in the air in contempt. After the speech, they broke into chants of ``Leave, leave, leave.''

Around 2,000 protesters then marched on the state television headquarters several blocks away from Tahrir, guarded by the military with barbed wire and tanks. ``They are the liars,'' the crowd shouted, pointing at the building, chanting, ``We won't leave, they will leave.''

Prominent reform advocate Mohamed ElBaradei, whose supporters were among the organizers of the 18-day-old wave of protests, warned in a Twitter message that ``Egypt will explode.''

``The army must save the country now,'' the Nobel Peace laureate said. ``I call on the Egyptian army to immediately interfere to rescue Egypt. The credibility of the army is on the line.''

Another leading figure of the protest movement, Google executive Wael Ghonim, called for caution.

``The situation is complicated. I don't want to the blood of the martyrs to be wasted and at the same time I don't want to shed blood,'' he said in comments posted on Facebook. ``We have really achieved significant political accomplishments in a short time but the youth's demand of the ouster (of Mubarak) has not been accomplished.''

Protesters' hopes that Mubarak would resign had been raised Thursday when a council of the military's top generals announced it had stepped in to secure the country, and a senior commander told protesters in Tahrir Square that all their demands would soon be met.

The military's Supreme Council said earlier on state TV that it was in permanent session, a status that it takes only in times of war. It said it was exploring ``what measures and arrangements could be made to safeguard the nation, its achievements and the ambitions of its great people.'' That suggested Tantawi and his generals were in charge of the country.

The statement was labeled ``Communique No. 1,'' language that also suggests a military coup.

State TV showed Tantawi chairing the council with around two dozen top stern-faced army officers seated around a table. Mubarak and Vice President Omar Suleiman, a former army general and intelligence chief named to his post after the protests erupted Jan. 25, were not present, the strongest indication during the day of a rift.

After Mubarak's announcement, the mood among protesters was a mix of fury, disappointment, determination to go on and a grim realism that they should have expected little else from him.

One activist, Waleed el-Korumi, said protesters planned peaceful marches, but he warned of chaos if the army does not intervene.

``This will push the country to the edge of the abyss,'' he said. ``We will lay waste to our country if we march on the palace. It's a case of both sides sticking to their guns and at the end we will lose our nation.''

In his address on state TV, Mubarak showed the strategy he has followed throughout the days of upheaval, trying to defuse the greatest challenge ever to his nearly three-decade authoritarian rule. So far, he has made a series of largely superficial concessions while resolutely sticking to his refusal to step down immediately or allow steps that would undermine the grip of his regime.

Looking frail but speaking in a determined voice, Mubarak spoke as if he were still in charge, saying he was ``adamant to continue to shoulder my responsibility to protect the constitution and safeguard the interests of the people.'' He vowed that he would remain in the country and said he was addressing the youth in Tahrir as ``the president of the republic.''

Even after delegating authority to his vice president, Mubarak retains his powers to request constitutional amendments and dissolve parliament or the Cabinet. The constitution allows the president to transfer his other authorities if he is unable to carry out his duties ``due to any temporary obstacle.''

``I saw fit to delegate the authorities of the president to the vice president, as dictated in the constitution,'' he said.

US President Barack Obama appeared dismayed by Mubarak's announcement. He said in a statement that it was not clear that an ``immediate, meaningful'' transition to democracy was taking place and warned that too many Egyptians are not convinced that the government is serious about making genuine change.

Suleiman was already leading the regime's efforts to deal with the crisis, though he has failed to ease the protests, which have only escalated in size and ambition, drawing crowds of up to a quarter-million people. In the past 48 hours they have spiraled even further out of control, with labor protests erupting around the country and riots breaking out as impoverished Egyptians attacked and set fire to several police and governor headquarters in cities outside Cairo.

Mubarak insisted on the continuation of a government-dominated process for reform that Suleiman drew up and that protesters have roundly rejected because they fear it will mean only cosmetic change and not real democracy. Under that system, a panel of judges and lawyers put together by Suleiman recommends constitutional changes, while a separate panel monitors to ensure that state promises are carried out.

Suleiman has also offered dialogue with the protesters and opposition over the nature of reforms. He has not explained how the negotiations fit in if the judges panel, which is led by Mubarak supporters, is recommending amendments. In any case, the protesters and opposition have resolutely refused talks until Mubarak goes.

Mubarak called the protesters' demands legitimate and promised that September presidential elections _ in which he says he will not run _ will be ``free and fair'' with supervision to ensure transparency.

He said that on the recommendation of the panel, he had requested the amendment of five articles of the constitution to loosen the now restrictive conditions on who can run for president, to restore judicial supervision of elections, and to impose term limits on the presidency.

He also annulled a constitutional article that gives the president the right to order a military trial for civilians accused of terrorism. He said that step would ``clear the way'' for eventually scrapping a hated emergency law but with a major caveat _ ``once security and stability are restored.''

The emergency law, imposed when Mubarak came to power in 1981, gives police virtually unlimited powers of arrest.
CAIRO (AP) _ Protesters enraged by Hosni Mubarak's latest refusal to step down streamed into Cairo's central square Friday and took positions outside key symbols of the hated regime, promising to expand their push to drive the Egyptian president out.

The standoff posed a major test for the military as protesters stepped up calls for the army to intervene against Mubarak, a former air force commander and one of its own. The military's Supreme Council held an ``important'' meeting Friday morning, which was chaired by Defense Minister Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, the state news agency reported.

``The council will issue important statement to the people after the meeting,'' MENA said.

Mubarak gave most of his powers to his vice president but refused to resign or leave the country late Thursday, hours after the military made moves that had all the markings of a coup.

``We are waiting for a strong reaction from the army to Mubarak's speech,'' said Mohammed Mustapha, a protest spokesman. He said ``huge numbers'' of protesters were expected Friday.

Organizers said protesters were already camped outside the presidential palace and buildings housing the Cabinet, parliament and state TV. They planned rallies at six separate protest locations, in addition to Tahrir Square, the center of the mass rallies that began on Jan. 25.

``We are going to camp everywhere to put more pressure on the regime,'' said Abdel-Rahman Samir, an organizer.

Several hundred thousand people had packed into Tahrir Square on Thursday, ecstatic with expectation that Mubarak would announce his resignation. Instead, they watched in shocked silence as he spoke, holding their foreheads in anger and disbelief. Some broke into tears. Others waved their shoes in the air in contempt. After the speech, they broke into chants of ``Leave, leave, leave.''

Around 2,000 protesters then marched on the state television headquarters several blocks away from Tahrir, guarded by the military with barbed wire and tanks. ``They are the liars,'' the crowd shouted, pointing at the building, chanting, ``We won't leave, they will leave.''

Prominent reform advocate Mohamed ElBaradei, whose supporters were among the organizers of the 18-day-old wave of protests, warned in a Twitter message that ``Egypt will explode.''

``The army must save the country now,'' the Nobel Peace laureate said. ``I call on the Egyptian army to immediately interfere to rescue Egypt. The credibility of the army is on the line.''

Another leading figure of the protest movement, Google executive Wael Ghonim, called for caution.

``The situation is complicated. I don't want to the blood of the martyrs to be wasted and at the same time I don't want to shed blood,'' he said in comments posted on Facebook. ``We have really achieved significant political accomplishments in a short time but the youth's demand of the ouster (of Mubarak) has not been accomplished.''

Protesters' hopes that Mubarak would resign had been raised Thursday when a council of the military's top generals announced it had stepped in to secure the country, and a senior commander told protesters in Tahrir Square that all their demands would soon be met.

The military's Supreme Council said earlier on state TV that it was in permanent session, a status that it takes only in times of war. It said it was exploring ``what measures and arrangements could be made to safeguard the nation, its achievements and the ambitions of its great people.'' That suggested Tantawi and his generals were in charge of the country.

The statement was labeled ``Communique No. 1,'' language that also suggests a military coup.

State TV showed Tantawi chairing the council with around two dozen top stern-faced army officers seated around a table. Mubarak and Vice President Omar Suleiman, a former army general and intelligence chief named to his post after the protests erupted Jan. 25, were not present, the strongest indication during the day of a rift.

After Mubarak's announcement, the mood among protesters was a mix of fury, disappointment, determination to go on and a grim realism that they should have expected little else from him.

One activist, Waleed el-Korumi, said protesters planned peaceful marches, but he warned of chaos if the army does not intervene.

``This will push the country to the edge of the abyss,'' he said. ``We will lay waste to our country if we march on the palace. It's a case of both sides sticking to their guns and at the end we will lose our nation.''

In his address on state TV, Mubarak showed the strategy he has followed throughout the days of upheaval, trying to defuse the greatest challenge ever to his nearly three-decade authoritarian rule. So far, he has made a series of largely superficial concessions while resolutely sticking to his refusal to step down immediately or allow steps that would undermine the grip of his regime.

Looking frail but speaking in a determined voice, Mubarak spoke as if he were still in charge, saying he was ``adamant to continue to shoulder my responsibility to protect the constitution and safeguard the interests of the people.'' He vowed that he would remain in the country and said he was addressing the youth in Tahrir as ``the president of the republic.''

Even after delegating authority to his vice president, Mubarak retains his powers to request constitutional amendments and dissolve parliament or the Cabinet. The constitution allows the president to transfer his other authorities if he is unable to carry out his duties ``due to any temporary obstacle.''

``I saw fit to delegate the authorities of the president to the vice president, as dictated in the constitution,'' he said.

President Barack Obama appeared dismayed by Mubarak's announcement. He said in a statement that it was not clear that an ``immediate, meaningful'' transition to democracy was taking place and warned that too many Egyptians are not convinced that the government is serious about making genuine change.

Suleiman was already leading the regime's efforts to deal with the crisis, though he has failed to ease the protests, which have only escalated in size and ambition, drawing crowds of up to a quarter-million people. In the past 48 hours they have spiraled even further out of control, with labor protests erupting around the country and riots breaking out as impoverished Egyptians attacked and set fire to several police and governor headquarters in cities outside Cairo.

Mubarak insisted on the continuation of a government-dominated process for reform that Suleiman drew up and that protesters have roundly rejected because they fear it will mean only cosmetic change and not real democracy. Under that system, a panel of judges and lawyers put together by Suleiman recommends constitutional changes, while a separate panel monitors to ensure that state promises are carried out.

Suleiman has also offered dialogue with the protesters and opposition over the nature of reforms. He has not explained how the negotiations fit in if the judges panel, which is led by Mubarak supporters, is recommending amendments. In any case, the protesters and opposition have resolutely refused talks until Mubarak goes.

Mubarak called the protesters' demands legitimate and promised that September presidential elections _ in which he says he will not run _ will be ``free and fair'' with supervision to ensure transparency.

He said that on the recommendation of the panel, he had requested the amendment of five articles of the constitution to loosen the now restrictive conditions on who can run for president, to restore judicial supervision of elections, and to impose term limits on the presidency.

He also annulled a constitutional article that gives the president the right to order a military trial for civilians accused of terrorism. He said that step would ``clear the way'' for eventually scrapping a hated emergency law but with a major caveat _ ``once security and stability are restored.''

The emergency law, imposed when Mubarak came to power in 1981, gives police virtually unlimited powers of arrest.
Islamic preacher to address Oxford Union via satellite

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English

Who's afraid of the Muslim Brothers

Western fears of 'Islamism' have been aided by Arab autocrats seeking to prolong their iron-fisted rule.

Mohammed Khan Last Modified: 09 Feb 2011 08:10 GMT

http://english.aljazeera.net/mritems/Images/2011/2/8/201128112246217784_20.jpg

There are offshoots of the Muslim Brotherhood in countries across the region [EPA]

"Islamism" has been sending jitters through Western political corridors over recent years readily aided and abetted by Arab autocrats who have exaggerated and harnessed the "Islamist" threat to prolong their iron-fisted rule.

In the case of Egypt, the biggest bogeyman in this long-running battle over political supremacy with the state is the Muslim Brotherhood (the Ikhwan al-Muslimun) whose influence extends across the Arab and Islamic world.

With the Middle East and North Africa currently convulsed by popular uprisings against political repression, the Muslim Brotherhood has been thrust into the limelight, not only by those seeking a better insight into the origins and goals of the movement as they try to peer into Egypt's future, but also by those whose entire raison d'etre consists of demonising the Ikhwan for ulterior political ends.

"I'm fed up" of ruling Egypt, complained Hosni Mubarak to an American news channel on February 4 as protests against his 30-year presidency accelerated. "But if I resign now, there will be chaos. And I'm afraid the Muslim Brotherhood will take over," he warned.

In a couple of short sentences, Mubarak wonderfully encapsulated the fear that his regime has generated over three decades in order to maintain control. With little concern for the sentiments of his people, Mubarak played directly to the fears of his Western backers: Either support my despotism, whatever its limitations, he was saying, or face having to deal with the "Islamists".

While leaders in the US and the EU stutter over how to respond to the new realities in the region, unfortunately for Mubarak, the people of Egypt are refusing to buy into his fear-mongering. The Muslim Brotherhood - whether Mubarak's regime and his backers like it or not - is part and parcel of Egyptian society.

The Ikhwan is the "father" of Islamic political activism, tracing its roots back to 1928 when it emerged as a movement advocating a return to Islamic morals. Its early political activism was against British rule in Egypt when it opposed the Westernisation of the country. While its formative years were devoted to overcoming imperialism, its history has been marked by challenges to the political status quo and, thus, to fending off state repression. The Muslim Brotherhood has alternately been tolerated, outlawed, its leaders assassinated and/or executed.

Despite the suppression, its popularity has grown owing mainly to a network of medical, legal, social and charitable services that it continues to provide. Where the state has failed Egyptians, the Ikhwan has helped prop up peoples' lives.

Such is its influence that it has spawned offshoots in Algeria, Tunisia, Sudan, Libya and Somalia in Africa, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine and Israel in the Levant, across the Gulf States and further afield in places such as Pakistan. Misconceptions in the West about the movement do not detract from the Brotherhood's popular following in Egypt and beyond.

Milestones to where?

One of the most seminal works to emanate from the ranks of the Ikhwan, one which led the Egyptian regime at the time to clamp down massively against the movement, was Milestones, written by a powerful Brotherhood ideologue, Sayyid Qutb, in 1964.

The publication of Qutb's book, which called for the reinstatement of Sharia as the basis of Egyptian law and for the overthrow of what he labelled the "Jahili" (i.e. pre-Islamic) system prevalent in the country, led to his execution.

That Milestones is today considered the principal reference book for a myriad of armed Islamic groups across the world is testament to its influence. The book was used to discredit the entire Muslim Brotherhood with accusations that it advocated the violent overthrow of secular regimes. Anti-Ikhwan proponents felt little need to explain the circumstances under which Qutb penned his treatise: The fact that he was utterly disillusioned with the prevailing system after being subjected to years of solitary confinement and torture for his political beliefs made little difference to his opponents who sought to characterise his rejectionism as representative of Islamic political movements in their entirety.

Despite proclaiming to be a bottom-up "reformist" movement and eschewing violence, the charge of extremism has subsequently hung over the Brotherhood. Given the historical antipathy of the Ikhwan to the West, furthermore, Western governments have easily bought into the Egyptian regime's claims that the movement is a threat to their way of life. The old fears of, and tricks against, the Ikhwan are once again being employed as the most organised challenger to Mubarak's despotism joins (not leads) protesters in calling for his removal.

Although depicted as a regressive movement, the Brotherhood's membership is anything but unenlightened. The top tier of the movement is made up of doctors, lawyers, engineers and teachers, or the crème de la crème of the Egyptian middle class. The Ikhwan's social activism is derived from its members' ability to live and breathe the problems that average Egyptians face.

It is essentially a grassroots movement campaigning for the betterment of Egyptian society. That the movement gained an impressive 88 seats in the 2005 parliamentary election, or 20 per cent of the total, despite widespread electoral fraud (in 2010 it lost all its seats after Mubarak's National Democratic Party massively rigged the election once more, this time leaving nothing to chance) speaks volumes about its popularity.

Even in districts that are predominantly Christian, many voters opted to back the Ikhwan against the regime. Christian protesters are as resolute against Mubarak's dictatorship as their Muslim counterparts and many have expressed little worry about the Muslim Brotherhood despite the fear perpetuated by the regime.

In talks with senior US officials in 2006, the newly-appointed Egyptian vice-president, Omar Suleiman, termed the Ikhwan's parliamentary success in 2005 "unfortunate". Private US cables released by Wikileaks (from where the previous quote was taken) reveal starkly the obstacles that the Brotherhood has faced under Mubarak.

Opponents of the movement will continue to stoke fears about its apparent "clandestine" motives. The cry of "one man, one vote, one time" will be heard loudly and relentlessly from those seeking to deny the Brotherhood a role in Egypt's political future. This is one scare tactic, however, that the people of Egypt will not fall for. Political Islam is a force with strong roots in the country and in the wider Islamic world and will continue to remain so.

Algeria set a precedent in the early 1990s of the levels to which opponents of Islamic movements will sink to deny them a political role. A brutal civil war was the cost of voting for the Islamic Salvation Front back then. The people of Palestine are similarly being ostracised by the "international community" for voting in Hamas, an offshoot of the Ikhwan.

However, the people of Egypt, and only the people of Egypt, will decide what part the Muslim Brotherhood will play in Egypt's future development.

What will its detractors do in response? Scream, shout, curse and maybe try to prevent such an eventuality, if recent history is any guide.

Mohammed Khan is a political analyst based in the UAE.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.

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